The Roman Spectacle: Gladiators, Death and the Colosseum.
How did the Gladiatorial games evolve? Why were the ancient Romans obsessed with death and the spectacle? What was the intended purpose of the Colosseum?
By: David Yanez 5-20-15
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Jean-Léon Gérôme “Pollice Verso” 1872 Oil on canvas 38.0” ×
58.7“
Location Phoenix Art Museum, Phoenix, United States
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Introduction
This article will explore the ancient Roman fascination
with the death spectacle as a cultural norm. I will attempt to understand the
early evolution of the gladiatorial games in context to earlier ancient combat
sports. Were the Roman death games unique in antiquity? Where they a natural
evolution from ancient combat sports? Or, Where they strictly a Roman cultural
manifestation? I will be looking for the social and political importance of the
Colosseum and the spectacles held within. I will be researching over 30 sources
of books papers, and articles, including ancient Greek and
Roman literature, as well as current forensic examinations of archeological
gladiatorial remains. Some books to be studied include Michael B. Poliakoff's,
"Combat sports in the ancient world: Competition, violence, and
culture." Donald G. Kyle's, "Spectacles of death in ancient
Rome." and Katherine E. Welch's, "The Roman Amphitheatre: from its
origins to the Colosseum."
Though the Roman spectacles and the amphitheaters that
housed them were vast in numbers and spread across the empire, my focus will
not be on the history or evolution of the architectural form of these
buildings. I will limit my research to the evolution of the death spectacle
from ancient influences, with a focus on the Gladiatorial games; in addition
the ancient Roman concept of death and their fascination with death and the
spectacle; and finally the Colosseum, and its intended function in Roman
society.
The Gladiatorial Games
When we think of the Roman spectacle, the first thing that
comes to mind are the gladiatorial games, often associated with the Roman
Colosseum and Christians being fed to the lions. Our popular visual notion of
the gladiators comes from Jean-Léon Gérôme's painting called "Pollice
Verso," meaning "with a turned thumb." Gerome placed
careful consideration to historical accuracy when it came to his historical
paintings. Ridley Scott the director of the movie 'Gladiator' was inspired by
Gerome's painting for a scene in which the emperor gives a thumbs down, calling
for the death of the gladiator. But the accuracy of what we assume
about the gladiatorial games and the Roman spectacle, like the thumbs down
gesture meaning death, and Christians being fed to the lions, are simply not
true. It is said that approximately 90% of the gladiatorial contests did not
end in death, and that they did not fight to kill. The gladiators were often
paid well, became famous and even won their freedom. In his book,
"A Companion to the Roman Empire" David S. Potter says: Clay models
of gladiators look very much as if they were sold as "action
figures," so that children could play gladiator at home.
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A ROMAN TERRACOTTA FIGURE OF A HOPLOMACHUS GLADIATOR
1ST CENTURY A.D. Christie’s auction house
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In his book "Combat sports in the ancient world:
Competition, violence, and culture." Poliakoff' defines sports and athletics as activity
in which a person physically competes against another in a contest with
established regulations and procedures. With the objective of succeeding in
that contest under criteria for determining victory that are different from
those that mark success in everyday life. (e.g. warfare) Sports as opposed to
play and recreation cannot exist without an opponent and a system for measuring
the success or failure of the competitor's performance. His definition of
sports excludes the Roman gladiatorial games and instead classifies them as a
form of warfare in which the gladiator fights to kill or disable his opponent
and save himself in any manner possible. But, new research conducted by Fabian
Kanz from the Austrian Archaeological Institute and Karl Grosschmidt from the
Medical University of Vienna, Austria, contradicts Poliakoff's assessment of
the gladiatorial fights.
Using microscope analysis and CT scans of 67
gladiators remains, Kanz and Grosschmidt were able to determine that only one
of the 67 gladiators studied had a wound associated with his death during
combat. In addition, injuries to the back of the head were rare. These findings
back up ancient Roman accounts that the gladiatorial games had established
rules of combat, with no sneaky blows from behind. Sixteen of the bones
examined showed signs of non fatal injuries that had time to heal, suggesting
that the gladiators had excellent medical care. Ten of the gladiators
had square like holes in the sides of their skulls giving credence to the
theory that very badly wounded gladiators were killed by a hammer-wielding
executioner. They argue that the blows to the side of the head match literary
and other sources, and suggest an avoidance of eye contact at the time of their
death. These mercy killings were most likely decided by the crowd or the
emperor, but were not done by the gladiators themselves. Their research
confirms that the gladiators most often did not fight to kill. Ancient fight records
indicate that approximately 90 percent of trained gladiators survived their
fights. The absence of many perimortal bone injuries, seem to confirm that the
gladiatorial fighters, like modern sports celebrities, were valuable
commodities that needed to be well taken care of with strict combat rules.
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Add caption |
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Typical perimortem (P) defects found on the gladiator
crania; /o, view on the outer table; /i, view on inner table; /in, imprinted
bone; white scale bar = 10 mm. P03 massive blunt force traumawith concentric
fracture line. P08 and P09 singular punctured sharp force trauma on the
parietal bone,most probably caused a hammerhead as seen in left lower corner.
P10a + b double punctured sharp force traumaon the right parietal and frontal
bone, most probably caused by a trident as it could be seen in the right lower
corner. Note that the distance between the two trauma is identical as between
the two prongs of the trident. The raged appearance of P10a indicates That the
middle spike of the used trident was barbed.
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When I started my research I wondered whether the
gladiatorial games evolved from ancient combat sports. There is a long history
of ancient combat sports. In ancient
Egypt stick fighting and wrestling were popular. In ancient Greece,
wrestling, boxing and pankration
were considered the heavy events and the most popular, but unlike the
gadiatorial games, wrestling, boxing and pankration weren't a fight to the
death, or were they? Like the gladiatorial games the ancient Greeks had rules
of conduct associated with these games, for instance, in wrestling there was no
finger breaking, or eye gauging, in boxing there was no grasping or clinching.
In pankration there were only two tactics explicitly prohibited, biting and
gouging. Despite the rules, many of the fights that were won, paid no mind to
the eye gauging, finger breaking or biting, and in some cases ended in death.
In the case of Greek boxing, a first century B.C.E. inscription says: "A boxer's
victory is gained in blood."
The
story of Arrhichion is a story of a famous Greek pankration fighter, who was
being suffocated to near death by his opponents leg hold, when his opponent
relaxed his hold slightly on Arrhicion, giving Arrhicion the opportunity to
dislocate his opponents leg joint or toe, causing him such pain that he lifted
his hand up to admit defeat. But as he admitted defeat he had also strangled
Arrhichion to death. Arrhichion was thus crowned the victor.
Ancient Greek
heavy events were associated with military training and the Spartans are said
to have mastered all of these. Training in each of these heavy sports was as
essential for a boys training as was academics. Unlike the Romans, Greek
citizens fought in the armies of their city states and physical fitness
was essential for military preparedness. The Greek heavy events eventually were
practiced in Rome, but they never became as popular as the gladiatorial games.
Perhaps because the Romans had an aversion to the naked fighting of the Greek
games.
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“The Wrestlers,” Artist unknown, late 3rd century B.C.E.
Uffizi Gallery, Florence Italy
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My research into ancient combat sports have shown
no direct evolution from anyone of the ancient sports to the Roman Gladiatorial
games. But, it is believed that all these games do have a common origin in
ancient Funerals. Ritual funeral games were common in ancient civilizations,
like Sumeria and Mycenean Greek society. The Olympic games are said to have
originated from these ancient funeral games. Similar games known as Aonachs
were held in Ireland, and believed by some to date as far back as 1829 B.C.,
predating the Olympic games. Funeral games were held in honor of the recently
deceased. Ancient Greek and Roman games were usually associated with religious
festivals. The Roman "Ludi" were annual great games
organized by the state and associated with religious festivals, but the
gladiatorial games were not associated with religious festivals. They have
their origins in "Munera," which were originally part of the
ceremonies associated with funerals. They were funeral games, which lost their
original ritual significance later on in the Empire.
The Greeks and the Etruscans share a similar
mythological story of Perseus or Phersu. In the Etruscan Tomb of the Augurs at
Tarquinia, ritual scenes are depicted of Phersu wearing a pointed hat while his
face is covered behind a mask with a long black beard. He holds a dog on a
leash that is biting the leg of a man holding a club with his head covered. It
is debated whether this scene supports Etruscan gladiatorial games, but it is
evidence of Etruscan funerary games. The Etruscans were also lovers of the
spectacle, which included chariot racing and wrestling. The Roman gladiatorial
games are said to originate from these funerary games, which were ceremonies
intended to honor the memory of the dead. The first recorded gladiatorial show
took place in 264 BC: it was presented by two nobles in honor of their dead
father. Campania Italy may have been the origins of the gladiatorial
games. Frescos painted in 370- 340 B.C. depict various scenes at funeral games.
Chariot races, fist fights, and a duel between two warriors armed with helmets,
shields, and spears with what looks like a referee standing beside them.
Campania is also the site were the first stone amphitheatres were built and
home to the most important gladiatorial schools.
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Tomb of the Augurs, Tarquinia, ca. 520 BCE. The Phersu Game.
After Steingräber 1986, pl. 20 (T. Okamura).
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The practice of sacrificing slaves in order that they may
serve you in the after life was practiced by the Egyptians, the Incas and the
ancient Mycenean Greeks. I couldn't find evidence of Etruscan funeral sacrifices, but
it is believed to have existed. There is though, evidence for Etruscan human
sacrifice. The idea of shedding human blood at funerals is very old, and occurs
in many ancient Mediterranean cultures. Shedding blood was a way of reconciling
the dead with the living. The idea was that the death of a slave was owed to
the deceased or to the Gods. It seems likely that the gladiatorial fights are a
continuation of ancient funerary ritual sacrifices, which were practiced in
funeral rites all over the ancient world. The practice of sacrificing
prisoners of war was common in many ancient civilizations.
It is argued by Carlin A. Barton in the essay, "The
Emotional Economy of Sacrifice and Execution in Ancient Rome," that a
clear distinction between sacrifice and execution cannot be made in the case of
Roman executions of prisoners of war. Rituals of condemnation, execution and
sacrifice already existed in Rome prior to the gladiatorial games. Both
sacrifice and punishment sought security for the community. The Christian author Tertullian writing in 200 A.D. condemns
the Roman gladiatorial munera as so: (De Spectaculis, 12)
"For of old, in the belief that the souls of the
dead are propitiated with human blood, they used at funerals to sacrifice
captives or slaves of poor value whom they bought. Afterwards, it seemed good
to obscure their impiety by making it a pleasure. So they found comfort for
death in murder."

Grace Brown, in her "Tertullian and the Roman
Spectacula," suggests that Tertullian refers to the God Mars as being
connected to the gladiatorial games, as well as Diana with the hunt. Tertullian
also writes, (Apol. 9.5, Loeb) that at Rome there 'is a certain Jupiter, whom
they drench with human blood at his own games. Minucius Felix (Oct.30.4, Leob,
cf. 23.6) Claimed that "even today a human victim is offered to Jupiter
Latiaris, and, as becomes the son of Saturn, he battens on the blood of a
criminal offender." In his book "The game of death in ancient
Rome" Paul Plass says that "Until about the time of Constantine,
blood taken from the dead gladiators was still ritually poured by a high
official onto a statue of Jupiter Latiaris, perhaps into its throat."
Similar religious rituals can also be found in Mayan sacrifice's, where idol's
mouths were smeared with the blood drained from the chests of sacrificial
victims.(Brundage164) The association of the gladiatorial games with the
spirits or deities of the underworld is clearly established. In Keith Hopkins
'Murderous Games' he says: "The religious component in gladiatorial
ceremonies continued to be important. For example, attendants in the arena were
dressed up as gods. Slaves who tested whether fallen gladiators were really
dead or just pretending, by applying a red-hot cauterizing iron, were dressed
as the god Mercury. 'Those who dragged away the dead bodies were dressed as
Pluto, the god of the underworld. These remnant religious symbols attest to an
origin of the gladiatorial games as having evolved from more religiously
oriented funerary rituals, that were perhaps more closely associated with the
gods, spirits or life in the underworld.
"Blood
spilt in early funeral rites was a conduit of purification that carried the
soul from one world to the next, and the memory of the deceased would join the
Di Manes (ancestors).
Tertullian also writes that the fresh blood of dead gladiators was
considered a cure for epilepsy. Several early medical authors reported on the
consumption of gladiator's blood or liver to cure epileptics as well. The
origins of such superstitions likely lie in Etruscan funeral rites. Although
the original ritualistic influence of these rites, faded during the Roman
Republic, gladiators' blood continued to
be sold and sought after for centuries. After the prohibition of gladiatorial
games, the blood of executed criminals was sought after to take the place of
the gladiators. The spontaneous recovery of some forms of epilepsy may have
been responsible for the belief in this cure, but Blood of the dead was seen as
a cleansing mechanism for the dead and possibly for the living.
Ancient
funerary games influenced the Roman the Ludi, which were religious festivals dedicated to the gods. But ancient
funerary sacrificial rituals were more of an influence upon the Roman
gladiatorial games, which eventually evolved into something purely Roman.
Death in Ancient Rome
Death in ancient Rome was no stranger to the average Roman.
Rome was almost constantly at war in its early history and this atmosphere of
war was certainly carried into its overseas Imperial expansion, which most
certainly brought back to Rome another form of death known as disease acquired
from conquered civilizations. For the average Roman child within its first five
years, death would take nearly half of its young playmates along with its young
siblings, and grandparents, even the death of a parent or a beloved caretaker.
Widows and orphans were a common feature of roman society and many legal
institutions were intended to provide for them. In ancient Rome people perished
at a rate no longer seen in modern western democracies. The estimated death
rate in ancient Rome was 40 to 45 per 1000 persons, as compared to 8.15 per
1000 persons in the United States. The Roman Empire constituted roughly 45- 60
million people, nearly one-fifth of all persons living on the planet then. But
even with this high mortality rate, over population may have been a factor due
to the equally high reproductive rate of the Empire.
Ancient sources refer to widespread plaques under Domitian
and Hadrian, but the early Empire was apparently spared a true pandemic until
A.D. 165, when a roman army brought back
with it a disease which started the Antonine Plague. Some speculate that this
disease was smallpox. The plague raged for a quarter of a century and in 189 at
the height of its second outbreak in the city of Rome, an eyewitness accounts
that it caused 2,000 deaths per day. The plague devastated most of the empire
with an estimated death toll of 10% of the population or higher.
At a time of such extraordinary hardship in this
pre-industrial society, where life expectancy at birth was somewhere around 25
years or less. The Roman Empire at the time, was full of death, disease,
hunger, over population, and a constant atmosphere of war. Those that survived,
faced the challenges of survival and found solace in ritual practice. Belief in
supernatural beings as being responsible for any inexplicable phenomenon was common.
Rituals provided a model for order in a world full of disorder, death and the
unforeseen forces. Rituals provided a means for humans to interact and relate
to these unforeseen forces and higher powers, in an attempt to bring order and
control. Monumental Roman architectural works were one means to control nature,
and rituals such as the Ludi and the gladiatorial games were a means to bring
order to a society in need of order. Blood spilt in the pursuit of such order
was justified in the many ritual spectacles held throughout the Empire, but
more so in the Colosseum.
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Colosseum, model in the Museo della Civilta
Romana |
The Colosseum and the Spectacle
In Katherine Welch's, "The Roman
Amphitheatre: from its origins to the Colosseum," she gives a good
introductory survey of authors that have written about and contributed to the
study of Roman amphitheatres, the Colosseum, and the Roman spectacle. She
argues that it is the deep rooted nature and pervasiveness of the bloody
spectacles throughout the Empire, that holds the key to understanding the
importance of the genesis of amphitheatres in Roman culture.
In his essay "Murderous Games," Keith
Hopkins argues that the arena spectacles helped to maintain the traditional
warlike spirit of the Romans, and served as a substitute for war, as well as
helped to maintain an atmosphere of violence, even in peace. The amphitheatres
and the spectacles held within were venues for political dialogue between
emperor and the people, as well as magistrates and dynasts who competed for
power. To quote Keith Hopkins and Mary Beard in their book the Colosseum:
"It stood at the very heart of the delicate balance
between Roman autocracy and popular power, an object lesson in Roman imperial
state-craft. This is clear from the very moment of its foundations: its origins
are embedded in an exemplary tale of dynastic change, imperial transgression,
and competition for control of the city of Rome itself."
Although the Greek influence on Roman architecture is
obvious in many of its spectacle buildings, the Colosseum and subsequent
amphitheatres afterwards were distinctively of Roman architectural form as were
the activities that were held within them. The spectacle and games originally
associated with religious festivals and with funerary rites soon came to symbolize
Roman identity.
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Domus Aurea, (Image from National Geographic, article
“Rethinking Nero” |
The Flavian amphitheatre or the Colosseum, was
built by Vespasian and Titus on the grounds of the Domus Aurea. The
Domus Aurea was the extravagant palace complex of the former Emperor
Nero, which was built appropriating Roman land after two thirds of the city
burned in AD 64. The Colosseum was built on the site of Nero's man
made lake. The building of the Colosseum was a political act in itself. It sent
the message by Vespasian that he had returned the land that Nero took, back to
the Roman people. Monumental architecture was usually an instrument of memory,
but the Flavian amphitheatre's size and presence was intended to wipe away the
memory of Nero and preserve the memory of Vespasian. But in the long run,
Vespasian failed, when the Flavian amphitheatre started to be called The
Colosseum in the middle ages. Most likely the name was a reference
to the giant statue of Nero, that stood near the Flavian amphitheatre until the
fourth century, called the Colossus. It seems that wiping away the
memory of an emperor was harder than it seems. Vespasian's worst nightmare was
realized when Rome's greatest amphitheatre would be known as the monument which
stands on the site of Nero's lake next to the Colossus.
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The Colossus Neronis: Art: Jaime Jones.
Source:
Marianne Bergmann,
Institute for the Study of the Ancient World, New York
University. |
Regardless of how Medieval people remembered the Flavian
amphitheatre, the contemporary world remembers it as the largest and bloodiest
Roman arena in history, and the myth of persecution is still preached by
Christians. In her book "The Myth of Persecution: How Early Christians
Invented a Story of Martyrdom," Candida Moss argues that the Christian
narrative of martyrdom and persecution is a 4th century fabrication. Although
some Christians were indeed victims of execution by the State, she argues that
they were not singled out or targeted by the State specifically. Only during
Emperor Diocletian’s reign, laws were enacted forbidding Christian worship,
calling for the destruction of churches and Scriptures, and denying Christians
certain legal rights. But in the first 300 years of the Christian church
this specific targeting only amounted to roughly ten years. There are no
eyewitness accounts of Christians being thrown to the lions. While many
Christians were thrown to the dogs and other animals and killed in cruel and inhuman
ways. They were among the many state executions carried out against all
offenders to the state. Christians for the most part, were not singled out as a
group.
On the Coliseum's official opening day, it is said that the
extravaganza of bloodshed, fighting, and beast hunts, lasted a hundred days. On
one day 3,000 men fought. 'On one single day' 5,000 animals were killed,
according to Titus the biographer. Modern scholars have re-interpreted that to
mean 'on every singe day' of the performances, raising the animal death toll to
500,000. It is argued by Donald G, Kyle in "Spectacles of death in ancient
Rome," that the animal remains were routinely handed out to the Roman
citizens as a good source of protein, which was lacking in most Romans diet.
The Roman citizens of the time would have been grateful for the spectacles for
filling their bellies, and exciting their spirits. The vast numbers of wild
animals killed during the hundreds of years of animal spectacles in the Roman
empire are estimated to be in the millions, which must have been responsible
for the extinction of many species.
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Christians Flung To The Wild Beasts
Source: D. Rose, Edited by H. W. Dulcken: “A Popular History
of Rome” (1886)
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Conclusion
The Colosseum and similar arenas, and the games
held within, were a social mechanism for holding a society and Empire together
in the face of overwhelming difficulties. Death was part of the norm, and the
ethical morality of the time was in its human infancy. We of course see
ourselves today as morally superior, as compared to the ancient Romans, but we
still execute criminals, we still ritually kill animals in the arenas of Spain
and Latin America. We slaughter millions of animals per year and subject them
to horrible conditions. We face our own economic difficulties in addition to
disease hunger and over population. We've seen executions associated with
religious beliefs, as in the case of 911 and more recently by Isis. The ancient
Romans empathetic capacity for love, compassion and forgiveness, was no
different than our own today. Society is evolving and so is its ethics and
morality. In two thousand years our descendents may look back at our
contemporary Western Empire and say: How horrible, how cruel was their society,
but thank our society nonetheless, as we thank the ancient Roman society for
its progress in the form of technology, culture and ideas.
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